READING:

Dalton   

Political Parties

Thinking Comparatively About Political Parties

CONCEPTS

Comparison

Models of Political Development

Verney

Lijphart Models

Social Cleavage

Lijphart's 7 Cleavages

USDOP

spatial analysis

2002 French Pres elections

2003 Israeli election

 

 

 

David Wilsford in "Getting Students to Think (Comparatively): Teaching the Introductory Course in the 1990s" :

"Students experience most education passively rather than actively.  This is particularly true of the social sciences as compared to the natural sciences, which use hands on laboratory tasks as a common supplement to lectures.  Second, American students exhibit high levels of parochialism, especially in contrast to students from other advanced, industrial democracies.  There is not much natural inclination to seek knowledge of the outside world, which is after all the basis of comparative politics".

 

One of the best ways to understand the American interest articulation process is to compare it to the process in other countries. Comparison is one of the fundamental ways that we develop knowledge about political systems, ie. it is one of the fundamental ways that we "know".

Comparing "our" system to others is also a way for us to evaluate the effectiveness of our system and to perhaps advocate changes.

When comparing one system's approach to interest articulation to another, there are a number of factors to consider. Most important are:

1) the structure of the political institutions
2) the impact of history/ culture
3) the contemporary "quarrels"

Lijphart's Democracies provides us with the basis for an analysis of the first two of these factors.



The Structure of Political Institutions

Lijphart explores two basic models of democracies, the Westminster and Consensus models of democracy. The link at the top of this page provides a simple summary table of the differences between the two models.

We Americans are most familiar with our own system which is a hybrid of the two models explored by Lijphart and these differences can be explored in more detail by accessing the link to Verney -- "presidential vs. parliamentary government".

In essence, the difference between the Westminster and Consensus models is how one explores "government by 'the people'"

Does government "by the people" mean all of the people or merely a majority of the people?

The Westminster model (often termed the majoritarian model) generally says 'the people' really means a majority of the people.

The Consensus model generally says 'the people' means all the people.


"The people' is an interesting phrase. Many things are done in the name of "the people". But who or what are/is the people? Paolo Fabbri argues that the phrase "the people" is a phrase invented and used by whomever it suits for whatever cause they intend. When we talk about a government of, by and for the people, what are we talking about?

This is the essence of the concept of interest articulation and different systems have different approaches to government by "the people".


Every democratic political system has governmental structures which include or exclude segments of their population (their "people") in the governmental process. The Westminster model generally excludes all of those who didn't support the winning party/candidate (no matter how a winner is chosen). The Consensus model tends to argue that even parties who "lost" should be included in the governing process. What this model emphasizes is consensus rather than opposition, inclusion rather than exclusion.

One of the first governmental processes we need to explore is how "the people" are "created" in electoral systems. Ie., what are the electoral mechanism that generate "the people".  We also need to know a little bit about "the people".



In Chapter 3 of his book Democracies, Lijphart identifies the 21 "long-term" democracies (LTDs) he utilized in his study and the 30+ other democracies he excluded. He identifies the similarities among the 21 LTDs and the differences between those democracies included and those excluded.

Among the LTDs, Lijphart found the following:


1) all 21 LTDs belong to the "well-to-do portion of mankind"
2) their high levels of economic development are reflected in their high levels of industrialization and urbanization
3) they are generally a culturally homogenous grouop (Western Judeo-Christian)
4) generally located in the North Atlantic area.
5) there are huge differences in the sizes of the populations
6) there are major differences in the social homo/heterogeneity of the countries

Our examination will be more expansive than just these 21!

Questions to Consider:

What conclusions can we draw from this analysis?

Is there a relationship between democracy and political culture? Between model of democracy and social homogeneity?



Making Comparisons:

During the semester we will explore in some detail  3 political systems different from our own.

They are:  Israel,   Australia,    India