POL 313

 

The Presidency

 Presidential/ Congressional Relations
 

 

 


Once elected, presidents usually find that the skills and techniques of leadership which enabled them to win their party's nomination and the general election are not necessarily the skills and techniques important for leading the country!

 

Nomination and election involve:

1) raising money

2) building an organization of professionals

3) creating an image

4) sensing and responding to the public mood


Running the country may require some of these but also require:

1) the ability to persuade (remember Neustadt?)

2) managerial and selling skills

3) personal and organizational leadership


Since almost all presidents are generally judged by their performance in office and their performance is related to the ability to pass their legislative program, the question becomes whether the first set of factors (election skills) actually work against the second ("running the country skills")?


Electoral skill

Consequence for governing

raising money Does the raising of money mean your legislative agenda will be seen as a "special interest" agenda?
building an organization of professionals Can the public's perception of "slick" organization mean that the
legislative process of fits and starts raises questions about competency?
creating an image Does image always raise questions about "sincerity"?
sensing and responding to the public mood Does responding to the public mood outweigh moving the country where it "should be going"?

What happens when a president campaigns on one set of issue stands (often dictated by the public/ press) and then is forced by reality to move in another direction?

 

Reagan (lower the deficit)  -- reality: bigger deficit

Bush I  (no new taxes) -- reality: new taxes

Clinton (middle class tax cut)  -- reality: no cut

Bush II (no nation building) --  reality: Afghanistan, Iraq

The public and the press expect the president to always be pushing an active agenda. What happens when there are no great demands for change? Or when a president is philosophically opposed to activist government?

Now were back to Cronin's notion of the paradox of public expectation!!!

 
At minimum, the public and the press appear to demand that the president have an agenda related to the economy

(remember the Manager of the Economy supra-constitutional role?)

 


Sometimes, problems arise that neither
the public nor the press nor the president is ready for:

The oil crisis, domestic crises, or international crises.


If it is a crisis-----presidents have latitude

(remember the presidential power paradigm !!)

If not, they must work with Congress!


And this is where the FUN begins!!





One of the concepts which we will explore is "the national agenda"

here we will see again, the role of the media
(and presidential attempts at manipulating the media--
and perhaps the public--to control the national agenda
(or is it the president's agenda?)


What is "the national agenda"?

the national agenda consists of the issues on which the public concentrates at any given time that affect the distribution of power and may determine future elections

Most argue that the Founding Fathers, fearful of a "soft demagogue" did not want the executive to "respond to every sudden seizure of passion"  nor did they want the executive to create those passions !!  Hence the separation of powers and checks and balances system of government.

 

What has changed?

After leaving office Bill Clinton lamented:

I tried to do so many things at once that I didn't take the time to do one of the president's most important jobs and that is to consistently explain to the American people what we were doing and why.

 

The two things we explored in the last section of the course: 

1) the growth of political parties in the selection process; and

2) the media

have altered public expectations !!

 

19th century presidential rhetoric was constrained by expectations that the president would give patriotic rather than partisan speeches as they toured the country.  Only four presidents in the 19th century gave speeches which attacked or supported specific legislation.  Some sitting presidents didn't even campaign during re-election bids.

20th century presidential rhetoric changes this approach!  As the media develops, and as president's begin to recognize the power of "the bully pulpit" , presidents begin to "go over the head of the Congress" and speak directly to the American people!  They begin to talk about "the public interest" (perhaps because they believed that Congress had become the captive of "special interests !!)  Teddy Roosevelt encourages "muckraking journalists" to encourage public outrage.  In 1913, Wilson gives the State of the Union message to the Congress , reversing a century long tradition precedent of written messages started by Jefferson.  As media becomes more powerful, the "public presidency grows".

 

Indicators of the change:

The growth of the media component of the White House staff

using a campaigning mode/ style for policy initiatives

the growth of supra-constitutional roles via public expectations

 

the President now sets "the public agenda"

presidents take advantage of opportunities to expand their initiatives at "the expense of Congress".  Nearly a half-century ago Senator A. Ribicoff of Connecticut lamented:

"Congress doesn't have any ideas of its own !!"

 

Does Congress just respond?

Does it change when there is "divided government"

 

"Going Public"

 

Lyndon Johnson:

"When traditional methods fail, a President must be willing to bypass the Congress and take the issue to the people.  By instinct and experience, I preferred to work from within, knowing that good legislation is the product not of public rhetoric but of private negotiations and compromise.  But sometimes a President has to put Congress' feet to the fire."

(Remember:  Johnson spent most of his political life in legislatures !!! )

When presidents "go public" --- they can succeed or they can fail !!

Going public means:

1) winning public approval of a significant policy change by appealing directly to the American public through the media

2) pressuring Congress to follow despite legislative misgivings

 

Successes include: T Roosevelt (trusts), FD Roosevelt (New Deal), JF Kennedy (racial segregation) and LB Johnson (Great Society)

Failures include:  HS Truman (national health care), R Nixon (Watergate), G Ford ("whipping inflation"), Carter (energy), Bush I (the economy) Clinton (national health care)

 

Going Public and Public Opinion Polls 

Some argue that going public works when you are popular and doesn't work when you are unpopular. 

Are public opinion polls on presidents a continuous referendum on presidential leadership?

Must Congress respond to presidents riding high in the polls?

Does Congress ignore a president low in the polls?

Bush approval chart

Bush job approval ratings

 

 

When we explore the opportunity connection, we'll look at three areas:

 

Domestic Policy

Economic Policy

National Security Policy


In all three areas, presidential/ congressional relations vary slightly but there are some important similarities of action/ strategy/ and general outcome. And they relate to our earlier discussion of prerogative powers and what happens when prerogative powers are used!

 

The President's Legislative Role

(Remember, we've talked about constitutional vs. supra-constitutional roles!!)


While the Constitution (Article I, Section 8) clearly gives Congress legislative powers, presidents have always had some legislative power as part of the system of checks and balances. Since the beginning of the twentieth century presidents have acquired a greatly expanded legislative role. This is generally attributed to
the rapid industrialization and urbanization
which took place at the end of the nineteenth--
beginning of the twentieth centuries ("Wagner's Law").

Both T Roosevelt and Wilson argued that presidents needed to be
actively involved in coping with the growing problems associated with these two dynamics.

Theodore Roosevelt, seeing the Presidency as a "bully pulpit":


1) developed his own legislative agenda,


2) reinstated the practice of personally delivering the State of the Union message,


3) used his cabinet members to build support for his legislative agenda, and


4) personally lobbied for his some important measures
such as the Federal Reserve Act and the Clayton Antitrust Act.



Presidential legislative leadership expanded during FD Roosevelt's administration. Taking over during the Great Depression, Roosevelt called Congress into a special 100 day session during which Congress passed a series of pieces of legislation to meet the economic crisis including:

1) overhauling the banking system,

2) regulating financial markets,

3) authorizing industrial self-government under
the National Recovery Administration (see, there was another NRA!),

4) buttressing farm prices, etc.

FDR generally sent messages to Congress that
analyzed a problem and outlined the solution.

He prepared a draft of the legislation and
assigned aides to monitor and lobby for passage.

By 1935 this process was administered by the Bureau of the Budget.

He also utilized the veto (over 600 times!) as a means of bending Congress to his will.

FDR thus established the public expectation (and institutional expectation) that presidents would be actively involved in all stages of the legislative process!!

(can you also see where we get the supra-constitutional role of president as the "manager of the economy"?)



After FDR, both Truman and Eisenhower solidified this
dynamic presidential legislative role.

By the late 60s almost all political scientists agreed
that Congress' legislative power had been usurped by the President!
(Most favored this situation)

It was now suggested that Congress "reacted rather than acted" and
"didn't have any ideas of its own".

Since the mid to late 70s Congress has attempted to take advantage
of public disaffection with presidents to "pull the pendulum of power"
back towards Congress in the legislative process.
They have been successful in some areas and less so in others.