The Social Forces that Shape Politics in Ruritania

The parties and party systems which develop in various countries are in part a reflection of the history and social cleavages operating in the country and the electoral system rules under which a particular country operates. Taken all together, these factors often shape the dimensions of partisan conflict in any country. In his book, Democracies: Patterns of Majoritarian and Consensus Government in Twenty-One Countries, Arend Lijphart identifies 7 dimensions of partisan conflict: 1) the socio-economic; 2) religious; 3) cultural-ethnic; 4) urban-rural; 5) regime support; 6) foreign policy; and 7) postmaterialism dimensions. In Europe, the most common cleavages center around class, religion, region, urban-rural, church-state, and center-periphery (dominant and subject culture) divisions. Societies with few social cleavages tend to have a relatively small number of parties while countries with a large number of cleavages generally tend to have a large number of parties. Countries which have parliamentary systems rather than presidential systems also tend to have more parties.

Since Ruritania did not democratize early or possess the institutions enjoyed by other countries in the region, Ruritania still possesses many of the societal cleavages discovered in less-developed social systems. A larger percentage of the population is still tied to agriculture. Industrial development has been slow and some of the cleavages associated with the beginning stages of industrial development are alive and well in Ruritania. Many Ruritanians have adopted or clung to ideologies that are diminishing in developed pluralist states. In this new world of complexity, many Ruritanians yearn for "the good old days" and hope that various groups can return them to the days when the Ruritanian empire (dominated by an aristocracy, the Ruritanian church, and the monarchy) directed life in Ruritania.

The current political climate in Ruritania is shaped by nearly all of the social cleavages identified above, although in varying degrees. Since Ruritania has just recently emerged from centuries of autocratic rule, many of these cleavages (kept under tight control by the police and military) have again come to the surface. Events periodically release some of the pent up animosities which these these cleavages engender. A brief summary of the current status of these cleavages is now presented:

 Socio-economic dimension: The socio-economic dimension is alive and well in Ruritania. There are great disparities in attitudes about the relationship between the state and the economy. Since Ruritania's economy was formerly tightly controlled by the monarchy (and some owners were favored by the King) the move to democracy and capitalism has highlighted the disparities between those who prospered and those who didn't. Many are unsure whether "unbridled" capitalism will alleviate the problem or make it worse. There are thus huge debates about the values of government vs. private ownership; the nature of government planning; plans to redistribute wealth; and social welfare provision. Some believe that this is the key social cleavage in contemporary Ruritania.

Religious dimension: Ruritania is considered a religious country by Scandanavian standards. The Ruritanian Church has long been a powerful force in national affairs. Indeed, one of the key players in Ruritania is Archbishop Vingtmann. The archbishop is a very opinionated church leader who stimulates the passions of both supporters and adversaries. Due to his personality, the Ruritanian media love to cover him. He, in turn, loves the spotlight, especially his Sunday evening talk show on Radio Ruritania. He is seen as a major representative of "the old guard" in the Ruritanian National Church. This faction was viewed by many as supportive of the old elites (most particularly the monarchy and the wealthy) at the expense of the poor (although the church did provide--and still do--many social services to the poor in the form of hospitals, soup kitchens, etc.). It is often viewed as a conservative religion in that the Ruritanian Church has taken stands against both divorce and abortion. Many younger people believe the church's stands to be "out of step" with contemporary times. Many older Ruritanians (especially in the peasantry) strongly agree with the church's views on social issues (although they do believe that the church did not "do enough" to assist the development of democracy in the country). Many believe that there are two sets of forces in the Ruritanian church: those who believe that the church should be at the vanguard of social justice and social change and those who believe that the church should "stay out of politics and tend the flock", (ie. continue to preach the church's traditional values while remaining "apolitical").

Cultural-ethnic dimension: Ruritania has a number of different ethnic groups which add "spice" to Ruritanian politics. Of most importance are the ethnic Swedes, people who have lived in Ruritania for centuries but still retain Swedish traditions including a religious tradition of Lutheranism. Some Ruritanians still believe that all ethnic Swedes should be forced to move back to Swedish territory. There may be more than "ethnic intolerance" at work here since ethnic Swedes are concentrated in the disputed oil rich territory in Northern Ruritania and in some of the wealthy agricultural areas as well. They are also not the only ethnic group. Ingoslunders and the nomadic northern people also feel somewhat alienated from traditional Ruritanian culture.

Urban-rural dimension: There are some relatively populated areas in Ruritania with all of the problems associated with urbanism but the country also has a very large rural population. The monarchy attempted for years to keep urbanism and economic development located in a few areas (Shanorewni, Argoheim, Valtala and Pondala). Many people from rural areas moved into these cities seeking a different standard of life. Many have spent more than a decade in overcrowded slums with squalid conditions not found anywhere else in Scandinavia. These people who came seeking a better life have actually seen their quality of life deteriorate. As a result there is segment of the urban population who longs to return to the simpler country life but recognize that this is impossible since they have no land. There is thus tension between urban/ cosmopolitian Ruritanians and their "country cousins". The result has been great animosity between the two "camps". Part of the national reconciliation after the ouster of the monarchy was to structurally/ constitutionally provide guaranteed representation to Ruritania's rural areas through the drawing of the electoral districts. The 11 electoral districts with their 9 representatives each (and its attendant unrepresentativeness of urban areas) is viewed by some as a necessary compromise and by others as an empowerment of a rural minority.

Regime support dimension: While most Ruritanians support the new regime (a parliamentary system, multiple parties, elections, etc.) there are still a number of Ruritanians who believe that the new regime is "messy". They long for "the good old days" when the monarchy "looked after" the citizenry. Others believe that the new system will fail and that "structural modifications" or laws which reduce the number of parties are necessary to give Ruritanian democracy a chance. They tend to support single member districts and the "first-past-the post" system of elections as ways to reduce the number of parties and insure political stability in the country.

Foreign policy dimension: There are not many foreign policy issues in Ruritania with one notable exception: relations with Sweden. There has been a long history of animus between the two countries which is only exacerbated by traditional tensions with the ethnic Swede minority and disputes over national boundaries in oil-rich northern Ruritania. These tensions become quite strong every year during the Scandinavian soccer Cup. Last year's controversial goal which propelled Sweden into the World Cup and kept Ruritania out nearly caused riots in Shanorewni!

Materialist-postmaterialist dimension: Since Ruritania is a relatively "under- developed" state, this dimension is not much of a factor with one exception: the environment. Ruritanians have an almost mystical love for the land, especially among rural peoples. There are periodic debates about mining and agribusiness procedures and their effects upon the land. There is a particularly strong environmental concern about development in the Federistten Mountains in western Ruritania. Development of ski and retirement villages is often challenged by those who want to keep the areas "natural" and undeveloped.


The political impact of these various social cleavages, when coupled with the newly adopted Ruritanian electoral system, have resulted in the development of 10 (ten) different political parties which range across the left/ right political spectrum.

Compare: RUR vs. US
What do you think are the major cleavages which have affected or currently affect American politics? Do current American political parties reflect these cleavages? What cleavages affected the development of American political parties?



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